Everything about John Wilkes totally explained
John Wilkes (
17 October 1725 –
26 December 1797) was an
English radical, journalist and politician.
In the
Middlesex election dispute, he fought for the right of voters—rather than the
House of Commons—to determine their representatives. In 1771 he was instrumental in obliging the government to concede the right of printers to publish verbatim accounts of parliamentary debates. In 1776 he introduced the first Bill for parliamentary reform in the
British Parliament. Wilkes' increasing conservatism as he grew older caused dissatisfaction among radicals and was instrumental in the loss of his Middlesex seat at the
1790 general election. Wilkes then retired from politics and took no part in the growth of radicalism in the 1790s.
Early life and character
Born in
Clerkenwell in
London, Wilkes was the second son of the distiller Israel Wilkes, who had six children. John Wilkes was educated initially at an academy in
Hertford; this was followed by private tutoring and finally a stint at
Leiden,
The Netherlands. In 1747 he married Mary Meade and so came into possession of an estate and income in
Buckinghamshire. They had one child, Polly, to whom John was utterly devoted for the rest of his life. Wilkes and Mary, however, separated in 1756, a separation that became permanent. Wilkes never married again, but gained a reputation as a rake and fathered at least two other children. He was a member of the Knights of St. Francis of Wycombe, also known as the
Hellfire Club or the
Medmenham Monks, and was the instigator of a prank that may have hastened its dissolution. The Club had many distinguished members including
John Montagu, 4th Earl of Sandwich and
Sir Francis Dashwood. The allegation was that Wilkes brought a
baboon dressed in a cape and horns into the rituals performed at the club causing considerable mayhem in the inebriated initiates.
Wilkes was notoriously ugly, being called the ugliest man in England at the time. He possessed an unsightly squint and protruding jaw, but had a charm that carried all before it. He boasted that it "took him only half an hour to talk away his face", though the duration required changed on the several occasions Wilkes repeated the claim. He also declared that "a month's start of his rival on account of his face" would secure him the conquest in any love affair.
He was well known for his verbal wit and his snappy responses to insults. For instance, when told by a
constituent that he'd rather vote for the devil, Wilkes responded: "Naturally". He then added: "And if your friend decides against standing, can I count on your vote?" On another occasion, in an exchange with John Montagu, the Earl of Sandwich, who declared "Sir, I don't know whether you'll die on the gallows or of the pox." Wilkes replied "That, sir, depends on whether I embrace your principles or your mistress."
Radical journalism
Wilkes was initially a supporter of
William Pitt the Elder. When the Scottish
John Stuart, 3rd Earl of Bute, came to head the government in 1762, Wilkes started a
radical weekly publication,
The North Briton, to attack him, using an anti-Scots tone. Typical of Wilkes, the title was a satirical take on the Earl's newspaper,
The Briton, "North Briton" referring to
Scotland.
Bute resigned in 1763 after a very short tenure, but Wilkes was equally opposed to his successor,
George Grenville. Wilkes was charged with
seditious libel over attacks on
George III's endorsement of the
Paris Peace Treaty of 1763 in his speech at the opening of Parliament on
23 April 1763. Wilkes was highly critical of the speech using issue 45 of
The North Briton to attack it. The issue number in which Wilkes made his critical editorial was well chosen. Number 45 referred to the
Jacobite uprising of 1745, commonly known as "The '45". Bute, being Scottish and highly controversial as an advisor to the King was associated in the popular eye with Jacobitism, and it was this that Wilkes played on.
The King felt personally insulted and
general warrants were issued for the arrest of Wilkes and the publishers on
30 April 1763. Forty-nine people, including Wilkes himself, were arrested under the warrants. Wilkes, however, gained considerable popular support as he asserted the unconstitutionality of general warrants and was soon restored to his seat, citing
parliamentary privilege. Wilkes began a case against his arresters for trespass. People were chanting "Wilkes, Liberty and Number 45", referring to the newspaper, as a result of this episode.
Text of No. 45
Genus CREATIONIS,
atrox & vebemens, cui opponitur
lenitatis & mansuetudin. CICERO.
"THE
King's Speech has always been considered by the legislature and by the public at large as the
Speech of the Minister.* It has regularly at the beginning of every session of par liament been referred by both houses to the consideration of a committee, and has been generally canvassed with the utmmost freedom, when the minister of the crown has been obnoxious to the nation. The ministers of this free country, conscious of the undoubted privileges of so spirited a people, and with the terrors of parliament before their eyes, have ever been cautious, no less with regard to the matter than to the expressions of
speeches, which they've advised the fovereign to make from the throne, at the
opening of each session. They well knew that an† honest house of parliament, true to their trust, couldn't fail to detect the fallacious arts or to remonstrate against the daring acts of violence committed by any minister. The Speech at the
close the session, has ever been confidered as the most
secure method of promulgating the favourite court creed among the vulgar; because the parliament, which is the conftitutional guardian of the liberties of the people, has in this case no opportunity of remonstrating or of impeaching any wicked servant of the crown.
"This week has given the public the most abandoned instance of ministerial effrontery ever attempted to be imposed on mankind. The
minister's speech of laft Tuesday, isn't to be paralleled in the annals of this I'm in doubt whether the imposition is greater on the sovereign or on the nation. Every friend of his country must lament that a prince of so many great and amiable qualities whom England truly reveres, can be brought to give the sanction of his sacred name to the most odious measures and to the most unjustifiable public declarations, from a throne ever renowned for truth, honour, and unfullied virtue. I'm sure all foreigners, especially the king of Prussia, will hold the in contempt and abhorrence. He has made sovereign declare,
My expectations kave been fully answered by the happy effects which the several allies of my crown have derived from this salutary measure of the definitive Treaty.
The powers at war with my good brother the King of Prusia, have been induced to such terms of accommodation as that great prince has approved; and the success which has attended my negotiation, necessarily and immediately diffused the blessings of peace every part of Europe. The infamous fallacy of this whole sentence is apparent to all mankind: for it's known, that the King of Prtissia didn't barely
approve, but absolutely
diclated, as conqueror every article of the terms peace. No advantage of any kind has accrued to that magnanimous prince from
our negotiation, but he was basely deserted by the
Scottish prime minster of
England. He was known by every court in Europe to be scarcely on better terms of friendship
here, than at
Vienna; and he was betrayed by us in the
treaty of peace. What a strain of insolence therefore is it in a minister to lay claim to what he's conscious all his efforts tended to prevent and meanly to arrogate to himself a share in the fame and glory of one of the greatest princes the world has ever seen? The king of
Prusia, however, has gloriously kept
all his former
conquests, and stipulated security for all his allies, even for the
elettor of Hanover. I know in what light this great prince is considered in Europe and in what manner he's been treated here other reasons from some contemptuous
expressions which are every day ecchoed by the whole body of
Englishmen through the southern part of this island.
- Anno Domino 14 G. II. 1740. Duke of Argyle.
The King's Speech is always in this House considered as the Speech of the Ministers. LORDS DEBATES, vol. 7, p. 413. Anno 14
Lord Caruret.
When we take his Majesty's Speech into consideration, though we've heard it from his own mouth, yet we don't consider it as his Majesty's speech, but as the speech of his ministers, p. 425.
Anno 7 Geo. II. 1733 Mr. Shippen.
I believe it hat always been granted, that speeches from the Throne are the composition of ministers of state; upon that supposition we've always thought ourselves at liberty to examine every proposition containtd in them; even without doors people are pretty fine in their remarks upon them" I believe nv Gentleman here's ignorant of the reception the speech from the Throne, at the close of the last session, met with from the nation in general. COMMONS Debates, vol 8.
page 5.
Anno 13 Geo. II. 1739 M Puiteney, now ear of Bath.
His Majesty mentions heats and amnimosities. Sir, I don't know who drew up this speech; but whoever it was,he shoud have spared that expression: I wish he'd drawn a veil over the heats and animosites that musat be ONCE fashioned upon this head, for I AM SURE NONE NOW SUBSIST. vol. 11
p. 96.
†The House of Commons in 1715 exhibited,
Articles of impeachment of high treason, and other high crimes and mideamours against Robert
Earl of
OXFORD, and Earl
MORTIMER. Article 15 is
for having corrupted the sacred fountain of truth, and put falsehoods into the mouth of his Majesty, in several speeches made to parliament. Vide Vol. III. and
Journals of the House of Commons, vol. 18,
p. 214.
The
Preliminary Articles of Peace were such as have drawn the contempt of mankind on our wretched negotiators. All our most valuable conquefts were a greed to be reftoreds and the
East-lndia company would have been infallibly ruined by a fingle article of this fallacious and baneful negotiation. No hireling of the minister has been hardy enough to dispute this; yet the minister himself has made our sovereign declare,
the satisfaction which be felt at the approaching re-establshmment of peace upon conditions fo honourable to his crown, and so beneficial to his people. As to the
entire approbation of parlinment, which is so vainly boasted of, the world knows how that was obtained. The large debt on the
Civil List, already above half a year in arrear, shews pretty clearly the transactionsof the winter. It is, however, remarkable that the minister's speech dwells on the
entire approbation given by parliament to the preliminary to the
Preliminary Articles, which I'll venture to say, he must by this time be afhamed of, for be has been brought to confess the total want of that knowledge, accuracy, and precision by which fuch immense advantages both of trade territory, were scacrificed to oour inveterate enemies. These gross blunders are indeed in some meafure set right by the
Definitive Treaty; yet the most important articles, relative to
cessions, commerce, and the FISHERY remain as they were with respect to the
French. The proud and feeble Spaniard too doesn't RENOUNCE, but only DESISTS
from all pretensions, which he may have formed, to the right of Fishing--where? only about the island of NEWFOUNDLAND--till a favourable opportunity arifes of
inflicting on it,
there as well as elsewhere.
"The minister can't forbear, even in the
King Speech, insulting us with a dull repetition of the word
oeconomy. I didn't expect so soon to have seen that word, again after it had been so lately exploded and more than once by a moft numerous audience,
hissed off the ftage of our
English theatres. It is held in derision by the
voice of the people, and every tongue loudly proclaims the universal contempt in which thefe empty professions are held by
this nation. Let the public be informed of a single instance of
oeconomy, except indeed in the housliold." Is a regiment, which was completed as to its compliment of officers on the
Tuesday, and broke on the
Thursday, a proof of
oeconomy? Is the pay of the
Scottish Master Elliot to be voted by an
English parliament under the head oft
oeconomy? Is this, among a thousand others, one of the convincing proofs of a
firm resolution to form a government on a plan of strict oeconomy? Is it not notorious, that in the reduction of the army not the least attention has been paid to it. Many unnecessary expences have been incurred, only to encrease the power of the crown that's to create more lucrative for the creatures of the minisler? The
flaff indeed is broke, but the discerning part of mankind immediately comprehended the mean subterfuge, and resented the indignity put upon fo brave an officer, as marshal
Ligonier. That step was taken to give the whole power of the army to the crown, that is, to the minister. Lord
Ligonier is now no longer at the head of the army; but lord
Bute in effect is: I mean that every preferment given by the crown wil be found stil to be obtained by
hisenormous influence, and to be bestowed only on the creatures of the
Scottish faction. The nation is still in the same deplorable state, while
he governs, and can make the tools of bis power pursue the fame odious meafures. Such a retreat, as he intends, can only mean that personal indemnity, which, I hope, guilt will never find from an injured nation The negociations of the late inglorious
peace, and the
excise, will haunt him, wherever he goes, and the terrors of the just resentment, which he must be to meet from a brave and insulted people, and which must finally crush him, will be for ever before his eyes.
"In vain will such a minister, or the foul dregs of his power, the tools of corruption and despotism preach up in
the speech that
spirit of concord and that obedience to the laws, which is essential to good order. They have sent the
spirit of discord through the land and I'll prophecy that it'll never be of their power. Is the
spirit of concordto go hand in hand with the PEACE and EXCISE thro' this nation? Is it to be expected between an infolent EXCISEMAN, and a
peer, gentleman, freeholder, or
farmer whose private houses are now made liable to be entered and fearch ed at pleasure?
Glouctesershire,
Herefordshire and in general all the
Cyder countries, are not surely the
several counties which are alluded to in the speech The
spirit of concord hath not gone forth among them; but the
spirit of liberty has, and a noble opposition has been given to the wicked instruments of oppression. A nation as sensible as the
English, will see that a
spirit of concord when they're oppreffed, means a tame submission to injury and that a
spirit of liberty ought then to arise, and I'm sure ever will, in proportion to the weight of the grievance they feel.
Every legal
attempt of a contrary tendency to the
spirit of concord will be deemed a justifiable resistance, warranted by the
spirit of the Englith consiitution.
A despotic minister will always endeavour to dazzle his prince with high flown ideas of the
prerogative and
honour of the crown, which the minister will make a parade of
firmly maintaining. I wiss much as much as any man in the kingdom to see the honour of the crown maintained in a manner truly becoming to Royalty. I lament to see it sunk even to a was to prostitution. What a shame to see to see the security of this country, in point of military force, complimented away, contrary to the opinion of Royalty itself, and sacrificed to the prejudices and to the ignorance of a set of people, the most unfit from every consideration to be consulted on a matter relative to the security of the
house of Hanover?" I wish to see
the honour of the crown, religiously asserted with respect to our allies, and the dignity of it scrupulously maintained with regard to foreign princes. Is it possible such an indignity can have happened fuch a sacrifice of the honour
the honour of England, as that a minister should already have kissed his majefty's hand on being appointed the moft insolent and ungrateful court in the world, a previous assurance of that reciprocal nomination which the meanest court in Europe would insist upon, before she proceeded to an act otherwise so derogatory to her honour? But
Electoral Policy has ever been obsequious to the court of
Vienna, and forgets the infolence with which
count Collotedo left England. Upon a principle of
dignity and
oeconomy, loid
Stormont, a
Scottish peer of the loyal house of
Murray, kissed his majefty's hand, I think, on Wednesday in the Easter week ; but this ignominious act hasn't yet disgraced the nation in the
Lcndon Gazette. The ministry are not ashamed of doing the thing in private ; they're only afraid of the publication. Was it a tender regard for the
honour of the late king, or of his prsfent majesty, that invited to court
lord George Sackville, in these frst days of Peace, to share in the general satisfaction, which all good courtiers received in the indignity offered to lord
Ligonier, and on the advancement of
? Was this to shew
princely gratitude to the eminent fervices of the accompliished general of the houfe of
Brunswic, who has had fo great a share in rescuing
Europe from the yoke of
France; and whose we hope soon to see made happy in the possession of
the most amiable princess in the world? Or it meant to assert the honour of the crown only against the united wishes of a loyal and affectionate people, founded in a happy experience of the talents, ability, integrity, and virtue of thofe, who have had the glory of redeeming their country from bondage and ruin, in order to support, by every art of corruption and intimidation, a weak, disjointed, incapable set of-—I will call them any thing but
ministers--by whoom the
Favourite still meditates to rule this kingdom with a rod of iron.
The
Stuart line has ever been intoxicated with the siavish doctrines of the
absolute, independent, unlimited power of the crown. Some of that line were fo weakly advrsed as to endeavour to reduce them into practice but the
English nation was too spirited to fuffer the least encroachment on the ancient liberties of this kingdom. "The
King of England only the* first magistrate of this country but is invested by law with the whole executive power He is however responsible to his people for the due execution of the royal functions in the choice of ministers,
&c. equally with the meanest of his subjects in his particular duty." The personal character of our present sovereign makes us easy and happy that so great a power is lodged in such hands; but the
favourite has given too just cause for him to escape the generall odium. The
prerogative of the crown is to exert the constitutional powers entrusted to it in a way, not of blind favour and partiality, but of wisdom and judgment. This is the spirit of our constitution. The people too have their
prerogative, and, I hope, the fine words of DRYDEN will be engraven on hearts, Freedom is tht English's subject's Prerogative.
In the first speech of James I to his English parliament, March 22, 1603, are the following word sThat I'm a SERVANT is most true--I will never be ashamed to confess it. My principal honour, to be the GREAT SERVANT of the commonwealth. Journals of the House of Commons, Vol. I, p 145.
To the NORTH BRITON
SIR,
Piease to state the following fact which is of a nature almost entirely new, and I'll soon trouble you with my observations on so remarkable a proceeding.
L.S.
By the Right Hon WELBORE ELLIS, His Majesyty's secretary at War.
Having received his Majesty's commands, do hereby discharge ANTHONY NICHOLS, a private man, from the Coldstream regiment of foot-guards, commanded by General JAMES Lord TYRAWLEY, from any further service in the same regiment.
Given under my hand and seal, at the WAR OFFICE, this z6th day of March 1763.
To all his Majesty's officers, civil and military, whom it may concern.
By the ARTICLES OF WAR, Sect. 3 Art. 2 After a non-commissioned officer, or soldier, shall have been duly enlisted, and sworn, he sall not be dismissed from our service, without a discharge in writing; and no discharge granted to him shall be allowed of as sufficient, which isn't signed by a Field Officer of the Regiment into which he was enlisled; or commanding officer, where no Field Officer of the regiment is in Great Britain.
Quere. Is the Secretary at War a Field-Officer or whatOfficer is he?
I am, &c.
Outlaw
A pornographic poem of Wilkes', An Essay on Woman, a parody of An Essay on Man by Alexander Pope, was obtained and produced in the House of Lords by Wilkes' political enemies, including the Earl of Sandwich, who was also a member of the Hellfire Club. Sandwich had a personal vendetta with Wilkes stemming in large part from personal embarrassment caused by Wilkes' prank involving the Earl at one of the Hellfire Club's meetings, and was delighted at the opportunity for revenge. Sandwich read the poem to the House of Lords in an effort to denounce Wilkes' moral behavior, despite the blatant hypocrisy inherent in his action. The poem was, however declared obscene and blasphemous, and it caused a great scandal. Moves were soon underway to expel Wilkes again and this time he fled to Paris before his expulsion or trial. He was tried and found guilty, in absentia, of obscene libel, of seditious libel and was declared an outlaw on 19 January 1764.
Wilkes hoped for a change in power to remove the charges, but this didn't come to fruition. As his French creditors began to put more pressure on him he'd little choice but to return to England in 1768. He returned intending to stand as a Member of Parliament on an anti-government ticket; warrants were not issued for his immediate arrest as the government didn't wish to inflame popular support for him. He stood in London and came bottom of the poll of seven candidates, possibly due to his late entry into the race for the position, but was quickly elected MP for Middlesex where most of his support was located. He then handed himself in to the authorities, surrendering to the King's Bench in April and on waiving his parliamentary privilege to immunity he was sentenced to two years and fined £1,000. The charge of outlawry was overturned.
When Wilkes was imprisoned in the King's Bench Prison on 10 May 1768, his supporters appeared before King's Bench, London, chanting "No justice, no peace." Troops opened fire on the unarmed men, killing 7 and wounding 15.
Middlesex election dispute
Wilkes was expelled from Parliament in February 1769, on the grounds that he was an outlaw at the time when he was returned. He was re-elected by Middlesex in the same month only to be expelled and re-elected in March. In April, having been expelled and winning the election again, Parliament declared his opponent, Henry Luttrell, the winner. In defiance Wilkes had himself elected an alderman of London in 1769, using his supporters' group, the Society for the Supporters of the Bill of Rights, to campaign for him. Wilkes eventually succeeded in convincing Parliament into expunging the resolution barring him from sitting.
While in parliament he condemned the government's policy towards America during the American Revolution and introduced one of the earliest radical Bills to parliament, albeit unsuccessfully.
Later life
On his release in March 1770 he was made a sheriff in London and in 1774 he became Lord Mayor; he was simultaneously Master of the Joiners' Company, changing its motto to Join Loyalty and Liberty. (External Link
) That year he was also re-elected to Parliament, representing Middlesex. He was one of those opposed to war with the American colonies and he was also a supporter of the Association Movement and of religious tolerance. His key success was to protect the freedom of the press, removing the power of general warrants and also the ability of Parliament to punish political reports of debates.
His popularity fell after 1780 as he became popularly perceived as less radical. During the popular uprising known as the Gordon Riots, Wilkes was in charge of the soldiers defending the Bank of England from the attacking mobs. It was under his orders that troops fired into the crowds of rioters; seen as a hypocrite by the working classes who had previously seen him as a "man of the people" and scaring off his middle class support with this violent action, the Gordon Riots almost extinguished his popularity.
When the phrase "Wilkes and Liberty!" was said to him in later years, he'd turn away.
While he'd been returned for the county seat of Middlesex in 1784, he found so little support by 1790 that he withdrew early in the election. The French Revolution of 1789 had proved a very divisive issue, and Wilkes had been against it due to the violent scenes from France. This went against the grain of popular feeling among radicals of the time and was a view associated with more conservative figures of the period such as Edmund Burke.
He spent his final years as a magistrate campaigning for more moderate punishment for disobedient household servants.
Influence
The Dutch politician Joan van der Capellen tot den Pol (1741–1784), who advocated the American Revolution and criticized the Stadtholder regime, was inspired by Wilkes.
British subjects in the American colonies closely followed Wilkes's career. His struggles convinced many colonists that the British constitution was being subverted by a corrupt ministry, an idea that contributed to the coming of the American Revolution. After the Revolution, James Madison explicitly acted on his story when writing measures into the American constitution that prevented Congress from rejecting any legally elected member and proscribing general warrants for arrest.
Eponyms
The city of Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania was named for John Wilkes and Isaac Barré.
Wilkes University, a four-year, independent, non-sectarian college in Wilkes-Barre is named for John Wilkes.
Wilkes County, Georgia and Wilkes County, North Carolina were named in his honor.
Wilkes Street in Alexandria, Virginia, USA, is named for John Wilkes.
Fox & Wilkes Books, Laissez Faire Books publishing arm, is named for John Wilkes.
American actor and assassin John Wilkes Booth, a distant relative, was named after John Wilkes.
Bibliography
P. D. G. Thomas. John Wilkes: A Friend to Liberty (1996).
Holdsworth, William (1938). A History of English Law Vol. 10, pp. 659–672, ISBN 0-421-05100-0.
Rudé, George (1962). Wilkes and Liberty: A Social Study of 1763 to 1774, ISBN 0-19-881091-1.
Williamson, Audrey (1974). Wilkes, A Friend of Liberty, ISBN 0-04-923064-6.
Cash, Arthur (2006). John Wilkes: The Scandalous Father of Civil Liberty, ISBN 0-300-10871-0.
John Sainsbury, John Wilkes: The Lives of a Libertine (Aldershot, Ashgate, 2006), 306 pp.
Sources
Encyclopedia BritannicaFurther Information
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